02872cam a22003493u 450000100060000000300070000600500170001300600020003000700050003200800410003701000130007804000110009104100170010205000070011910000540012624500410018026400510022130000470027233600260031933700260034533800360037150000310040750800150043852017520045353400610220565300140226665300200228065300390230070000680233985600720240785600430247976859UtSlPG20260610134759.0mcr n260607r20251921utu|||||o|||||||||||||| d  a22005444  aUtSlPG 7aen2iso639-1 4aHN1 aLudovici, Anthony M.q(Anthony Mario),d1882-197114aThe false assumptions of "democracy" 1aSalt Lake City, UT :bProject Gutenberg,c2025  a1 online resource :bmultiple file formats  atextbtxt2rdacontent  acomputerbc2rdamedia  aonline resourcebcr2rdacarrier  aRelease date is 2025-09-11  aSean/IB@DP  a"The false assumptions of "democracy" by Anthony M. Ludovici is a political treatise written in the early 20th century. It argues that modern democratic ideals rest on muddled language and seductive slogans, and urges a rigorous redefinition of key political terms. The work challenges egalitarianism and socialism, defends private property as a life-affirming principle, and seeks to disentangle justice, freedom, and equality from popular misconceptions.  The opening of the treatise frames its project with a supportive letter and a preface that, in the shadow of the Great War, calls for a sober “stock-taking” of ideals and a reclarification of language to avert social breakdown. The introduction claims that the loss of a common culture has emptied abstract words—freedom, justice, equality—of meaning, turning them into emotional “missiles,” with journalism and propaganda accelerating the decay; Rousseau’s misuse of “Nature,” “Freedom,” and “Man” is cited as a model of how such confusion births revolution. The first chapter defends private property as the biological and moral expression of growth and self-extension, criticizes abolitionist schemes as symptoms of cultural exhaustion, concedes real abuses (misallocated power, degrading labor, unhealthy poverty, unearned advantages), and proposes changing social valuations so wealth does not automatically equal power. Subsequent early chapters argue that “immanent justice” is a myth because nature is amoral and justice is purely social, and that equality (including “equality of opportunity”) is incoherent beyond mathematics—leaving only equal protection of interests under law as a sensible aim. (This is an automatically generated summary.)  pOriginally published:cLondon: Heath Cranton, Ltd., 1921  aDemocracy  aSocial problems  aGreat Britain -- Social conditions1 aWilloughby de Broke, Richard Greville Verney, baron,d1869-19234 uhttps://archive.org/details/falseassumptions00ludo/page/n3/mode/2up40uhttps://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/76859